It’s no wonder, then, that you’re asking hard questions.? So let me answer some of the most important questions that I’ve heard from members of Congress, and that I’ve read in letters that you’ve sent to me.
所以，毫不奇怪，你們提出了尖銳的問題。 那么就讓我來回答一些我從國會議員那里聽到和從你們給我的來信中讀到的最重要的問題。

First, many of you have asked, won’t this put us on a slippery slope to another war?? One man wrote to me that we are “still recovering from our involvement in Iraq.”? A veteran put it more bluntly:? “This nation is sick and tired of war.”
首先，你們許多人問，這樣做不是將導(dǎo)致我們跌入另一場戰(zhàn)爭嗎？一位給我來信的人寫道，我們“還在從對伊拉克的介入的恢復(fù)中”。一位退伍軍人更直截了當?shù)貙懙溃骸斑@個國家厭倦戰(zhàn)爭。”

My answer is simple:? I will not put American boots on the ground in Syria.? I will not pursue an open-ended action like Iraq or Afghanistan.? I will not pursue a prolonged air campaign like Libya or Kosovo.? This would be a targeted strike to achieve a clear objective:? deterring the use of chemical weapons, and degrading Assad’s capabilities.
我的回答簡單明了：我不會向敘利亞派遣美國地面軍隊。我不會開展像在伊拉克或阿富汗的那種無限期行動。我不會進行像在利比亞或科索沃那樣的長期空中行動。這將是為達到一個明確目標而進行的有針對性的打擊：防止使用化學(xué)武器，削弱阿薩德的能力。

Others have asked whether it’s worth acting if we don’t take out Assad.? As some members of Congress have said, there’s no point in simply doing a “pinprick” strike in Syria.
還有些人質(zhì)疑，如果我們不推翻阿薩德，這種行動是否值得。正像一些國會成員所說，對敘利亞給予“輕扎”的一擊毫無意義。

Let me make something clear:? The United States military doesn’t do pinpricks.? Even a limited strike will send a message to Assad that no other nation can deliver.? I don’t think we should remove another dictator with force -- we learned from Iraq that doing so makes us responsible for all that comes next.? But a targeted strike can make Assad, or any other dictator, think twice before using chemical weapons.
請讓我明確一點：美國軍隊不作輕扎之舉。即使是有限打擊也將對阿薩德傳遞任何其他國家都無法傳遞的信息。我不認為我們應(yīng)該用武力再去推翻一個獨裁者——我們從伊拉克懂得，這樣做意味著我們要承擔隨后的所有一切。但是，有限的打擊能夠讓阿薩德，或任何其他獨裁者，在動用化學(xué)武器前三思。

Other questions involve the dangers of retaliation.? We don’t dismiss any threats, but the Assad regime does not have the ability to seriously threaten our military.? Any other retaliation they might seek is in line with threats that we face every day.? Neither Assad nor his allies have any interest in escalation that would lead to his demise.? And our ally, Israel, can defend itself with overwhelming force, as well as the unshakeable support of the United States of America.
其他一些提問涉及報復(fù)的危險。我們不排除任何威脅，但是阿薩德政權(quán)沒有能力對我們的軍隊構(gòu)成嚴重威脅。 他們有可能圖謀的任何報復(fù)手段與我們每天面臨的威脅并無兩樣。阿薩德和他的同伙都不會希望加劇導(dǎo)致自身滅亡。我們的盟友以色列能夠依靠其壓倒性的軍事力量和美利堅合眾國堅定不移的支持實現(xiàn)自衛(wèi)。

Many of you have asked a broader question:? Why should we get involved at all in a place that’s so complicated, and where -- as one person wrote to me -- “those who come after Assad may be enemies of human rights?”
你們許多人提出了一個更宏觀的問題：我們到底為什么要介入一個如此復(fù)雜的地方，在那里——就像一位人士寫給我的——“接替阿薩德的人也許與人權(quán)為敵？”

It’s true that some of Assad’s opponents are extremists.? But al Qaeda will only draw strength in a more chaotic Syria if people there see the world doing nothing to prevent innocent civilians from being gassed to death.? The majority of the Syrian people -- and the Syrian opposition we work with -- just want to live in peace, with dignity and freedom.? And the day after any military action, we would redouble our efforts to achieve a political solution that strengthens those who reject the forces of tyranny and extremism.
確實，在阿薩德的反對派中有些是極端主義分子。但是，如果人們看到世界對防止無辜平民遭毒氣殺害無動于衷，那只會使“基地”組織（al Qaeda）在變得更加混亂的敘利亞得勢。大多數(shù)敘利亞人——以及我們與之合作的敘利亞反對派——僅希望過和平、有尊嚴和自由的生活。在任何軍事行動過后，我們都將加倍努力實現(xiàn)政治解決，增強那些抵制暴政與極端主義的力量。

Finally, many of you have asked:? Why not leave this to other countries, or seek solutions short of force?? As several people wrote to me, “We should not be the world’s policeman.”
最后，你們很多人都問道：為什么不把這個問題留給其他國家，為什么不尋求不使用武力的解決方式？有些人致信給我時寫道：“我們不應(yīng)充當世界警察?！?/div>

I agree, and I have a deeply held preference for peaceful solutions.? Over the last two years, my administration has tried diplomacy and sanctions, warning and negotiations -- but chemical weapons were still used by the Assad regime.
我對此表示贊同，而且我深信應(yīng)優(yōu)先考慮和平解決。兩年來，本屆政府采用過外交方式、實施過制裁、發(fā)出過警告并進行過談判——但阿薩德政權(quán)卻依然使用了化學(xué)武器。

However, over the last few days, we’ve seen some encouraging signs.? In part because of the credible threat of U.S. military action, as well as constructive talks that I had with President Putin, the Russian government has indicated a willingness to join with the international community in pushing Assad to give up his chemical weapons.? The Assad regime has now admitted that it has these weapons, and even said they’d join the Chemical Weapons Convention, which prohibits their use.
不過，我們在最近幾天看到了一些積極跡象。在一定程度上由于美國要采取軍事行動的有力威懾，以及我與普京總統(tǒng)進行的建設(shè)性會談，俄羅斯政府已表示愿意加入國際社會的行列，迫使阿薩德放棄其化學(xué)武器。阿薩德政權(quán)現(xiàn)已承認擁有這類武器，甚至表示要加入禁止使用這類武器的《禁止化學(xué)武器公約》。

It’s too early to tell whether this offer will succeed, and any agreement must verify that the Assad regime keeps its commitments.? But this initiative has the potential to remove the threat of chemical weapons without the use of force, particularly because Russia is one of Assad’s strongest allies.
確定這個方案是否可行現(xiàn)在還為時過早，而且任何一項協(xié)議都必須核實阿薩德政權(quán)遵守承諾的情況。但這項提案有可能在不使用武力的情況下消除化學(xué)武器的威脅，尤其是因為俄羅斯是阿薩德最牢靠的盟友之一。

I have, therefore, asked the leaders of Congress to postpone a vote to authorize the use of force while we pursue this diplomatic path.? I’m sending Secretary of State John Kerry to meet his Russian counterpart on Thursday, and I will continue my own discussions with President Putin.? I’ve spoken to the leaders of two of our closest allies, France and the United Kingdom, and we will work together in consultation with Russia and China to put forward a resolution at the U.N. Security Council requiring Assad to give up his chemical weapons, and to ultimately destroy them under international control.? We’ll also give U.N. inspectors the opportunity to report their findings about what happened on August 21st.? And we will continue to rally support from allies from Europe to the Americas -- from Asia to the Middle East -- who agree on the need for action.
因此，在我們探求這個外交途徑的同時，我已要求國會領(lǐng)袖推遲就授權(quán)使用武力進行投票。我將派國務(wù)卿約翰·克里于本周四同俄羅斯外長見面，我也將繼續(xù)同普京總統(tǒng)進行商談。我已同我們最親密的兩個盟國——法國和英國——的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人交談過，我們將與俄羅斯和中國磋商，共同努力在聯(lián)合國安理會提出一項決議，要求阿薩德必須放棄化學(xué)武器，并在國際監(jiān)控下最終銷毀它們。我們還將讓聯(lián)合國核查人員有機會報告他們對8月21日所發(fā)生的一切的調(diào)查結(jié)果。我們也將繼續(xù)爭取同樣認為有必要采取行動的盟友的支持——從歐洲到美洲、從亞洲到中東。

Meanwhile, I’ve ordered our military to maintain their current posture to keep the pressure on Assad, and to be in a position to respond if diplomacy fails.? And tonight, I give thanks again to our military and their families for their incredible strength and sacrifices.
與此同時，我已命令我軍保持他們目前的態(tài)勢，以便繼續(xù)向阿薩德施壓，并在外交失效的情況下能夠作出應(yīng)對。今晚，我再次感謝我軍軍人及其家屬的無比堅強以及他們付出的巨大犧牲。

My fellow Americans, for nearly seven decades, the United States has been the anchor of global security.? This has meant doing more than forging international agreements -- it has meant enforcing them.? The burdens of leadership are often heavy, but the world is a better place because we have borne them.
我的美國同胞們，近70年來，美國一直是全球安全的支柱。這不僅意味著締結(jié)國際協(xié)定——而且意味著嚴格執(zhí)行國際協(xié)定。發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用的擔子往往是沉重的，但正因為我們已承擔起這個重擔，這個世界才變得更加美好。

And so, to my friends on the right, I ask you to reconcile your commitment to America’s military might with a failure to act when a cause is so plainly just.? To my friends on the left, I ask you to reconcile your belief in freedom and dignity for all people with those images of children writhing in pain, and going still on a cold hospital floor.? For sometimes resolutions and statements of condemnation are simply not enough.
因此，我要請右翼的朋友們想一想，以你們對美國強大軍力的承諾，能否容許不為如此顯而易見的正義事業(yè)采取行動。我要請左翼的朋友們想一想，以你們對所有人民的自由和尊嚴的信念，能否對那些痛苦掙扎的兒童在醫(yī)院冰冷的地板上奄奄一息的畫面無動于衷。有時僅僅拿出決議及發(fā)表譴責聲明是遠遠不夠的。

Indeed, I’d ask every member of Congress, and those of you watching at home tonight, to view those videos of the attack, and then ask:? What kind of world will we live in if the United States of America sees a dictator brazenly violate international law with poison gas, and we choose to look the other way?
是的，我要請每一位國會議員以及今晚在家中收看講話的每一個人都去看一看有關(guān)那次襲擊的視頻并捫心自問：如果美國看到一名獨裁者動用毒氣肆無忌憚地踐踏國際法卻視而不見，那我們的這個世界會變成什么樣子？

Franklin Roosevelt once said, “Our national determination to keep free of foreign wars and foreign entanglements cannot prevent us from feeling deep concern when ideals and principles that we have cherished are challenged.”? Our ideals and principles, as well as our national security, are at stake in Syria, along with our leadership of a world where we seek to ensure that the worst weapons will never be used.
富蘭克林·羅斯福曾說：“我國不介入國外戰(zhàn)爭和國外糾葛的決心不能阻止我們在我們所珍視的理念和原則受到挑戰(zhàn)的時候深深地感到關(guān)切?！?我們的理念和原則，以及我們的國家安全，都在敘利亞問題上面臨利害攸關(guān)的時刻，此外還有我們在全世界為確保最殘酷的武器絕不被使用而發(fā)揮的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用。

America is not the world’s policeman.? Terrible things happen across the globe, and it is beyond our means to right every wrong.? But when, with modest effort and risk, we can stop children from being gassed to death, and thereby make our own children safer over the long run, I believe we should act.? That’s what makes America different.? That’s what makes us exceptional.? With humility, but with resolve, let us never lose sight of that essential truth.
美國不是世界警察。全球到處都有可怕的事情發(fā)生，我們沒有能力去糾正每一樁惡行。但當我們付出適度的努力并承擔適度的風險就能阻止用毒氣殺害兒童的行徑，并從長遠來看能以此進一步保障我們本國兒童的安全，我便堅信我們應(yīng)當采取行動。正是這一點讓美國獨樹一幟。正是這一點讓我們出類拔萃。讓我們以謙和為懷，同時下定決心，永遠牢記這個至關(guān)重要的真理。

Thank you.? God bless you.? And God bless the United States of America.
謝謝你們。愿上帝保佑你們。愿上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。